For the children who walk the halls of Bruce, Gordon, Rozelle and
Springdale elementary schools, few know they follow in the footsteps of
13 of the smallest pioneers of Memphis civil rights history.
On Oct. 3, 1961, 13 African-American first-graders entered these four
schools as the first students to desegregate Memphis City Schools.
Today, historical markers will be placed at the four schools
commemorating the steps of these children and the courage of their
families to enroll them.
It is an important acknowledgment of these contributions to our community.
Unlike school desegregation in Little Rock four years earlier, the
event in Memphis was orderly and did not make national headlines.
Perhaps as a result, the Memphis 13 do not hold the same place in the
national consciousness as do the Little Rock Nine. The Memphis 13 have
not been honored at the White House or appeared with Oprah; rather, they
have been recognized periodically, but have lived in relative anonymity
in our community.
View the full article here....
October 02, 2015
September 24, 2015
"Rhodes Must Fall" and Memphis's Confederate Monuments
Cecil John Rhodes is both famous and infamous in South Africa. He is
famous as an arch-imperialist, involved in the colonial expansion in
Southern Africa in the late 19th century that generated much of the
economic infrastructure that still underlies South Africa today. He is
infamous also as an arch-imperialist, involved in the subjugation of
native Africans to help drive economic expansion, generating much of the
social division that has plagued this country.
When I arrived in South Africa two months ago, I didn't anticipate thinking much about Cecil John Rhodes, who died more than a century ago. Yet the local news was abuzz with coverage of a movement called Rhodes Must Fall.
Furious over a campus display of a symbol of a colonial and oppressive past, black students at the University of Cape Town organized to demand the removal of a Rhodes statue. After a month of protest, the statue was removed by the university. The Rhodes Must Fall movement has spread to other campuses and communities in South Africa and beyond, targeting not only Rhodes but also other figures from complicated pasts.
All of this resonated with a Memphian abroad because of our own experience with a statue of a long-deceased famous and infamous man. There was some comfort in seeing a society 8,000 miles from home grapple with the same difficult issues. Particularly in places with deep histories of division, a universal part of confronting that past is struggling with persistent symbols of it. Freed from my identity as a Memphian, I am able to follow the Rhodes story without my own local baggage and preconceptions.
Read the full article here...
When I arrived in South Africa two months ago, I didn't anticipate thinking much about Cecil John Rhodes, who died more than a century ago. Yet the local news was abuzz with coverage of a movement called Rhodes Must Fall.
Furious over a campus display of a symbol of a colonial and oppressive past, black students at the University of Cape Town organized to demand the removal of a Rhodes statue. After a month of protest, the statue was removed by the university. The Rhodes Must Fall movement has spread to other campuses and communities in South Africa and beyond, targeting not only Rhodes but also other figures from complicated pasts.
All of this resonated with a Memphian abroad because of our own experience with a statue of a long-deceased famous and infamous man. There was some comfort in seeing a society 8,000 miles from home grapple with the same difficult issues. Particularly in places with deep histories of division, a universal part of confronting that past is struggling with persistent symbols of it. Freed from my identity as a Memphian, I am able to follow the Rhodes story without my own local baggage and preconceptions.
Read the full article here...
May 16, 2015
No Caste Here? Toward a Structural Critique of American Education
In his
famous dissent in Plessy v. Ferguson, Justice John Marshall Harlan
argued that in the United States, there was “no caste here.” Justice
Harlan was rejecting the idea that American society operated to assign
preordained outcomes to individuals based upon classifications,
including racial classifications. This Article questions whether Justice
Harlan’s aspirational assertion accurately reflects contemporary
American education. Identifying: (1) multiple classification mechanisms,
all of which have disproportionate racial effects, and (2) structural
legal, political, and practical impediments to reform, the Article
argues that the American education system does more to maintain the
nation’s historical racial hierarchy than to disrupt it. This is so, the
Article suggests, despite popular agreement with the casteless ideal
and popular belief that education can provide the opportunity to
transcend social class. By building the framework for a broad structural
critique, the Article suggests that a failure to acknowledge and
address structural flaws will preclude successful comprehensive reform
with more equitable outcomes.
This article appeared in the Penn State Law Review. The full article is available here.
This article appeared in the Penn State Law Review. The full article is available here.
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